Poole on 2 Samuel 18:1-5: David's Charge concerning Absalom

Verse 1:[1]  And David numbered the people that were with him, and set captains of thousands and captains of hundreds over them.

[And with his people inspected, ‎וַיִּפְקֹד]  And he visited (Malvenda).  Ἐπεσκέψατο, he visited (Septuagint in Grotius).  That is, when he saw that his troops were not less than those belonging to the enemy (Grotius).  He had four thousand warriors, says Josephus,[2] but I suspect that he had more (Sanchez).

The people that were with him; which flocked to him thither, so as to make up a small army.

[He set over, etc.]  First, he treats with God, prays, weeps, repents of his sins; then he seeks human means.  The same is to be done by us (Martyr).

Verse 2:[3]  And David sent forth a third part of the people under the hand of Joab, and a third part under the hand of Abishai the son of Zeruiah, Joab’s brother, (2 Sam. 15:19) and a third part under the hand of Ittai the Gittite.  And the king said unto the people, I will surely go forth with you myself also.

[A third part, etc.]  This distribution into three battle lines is both advantageous, and common, so that the army might be prepared in a circular figure, in such a way that there are two horns, a right and a left:  then the middle part is stationed in the center.  He takes precautions against confusion.  Order in the battle line adds maximum strength (Martyr).

Under the hand of Joab, to wit, for his especial conduct and management in the battle:  otherwise Joab was the general of all the forces; nor had David yet taken away that power from him, nor was this a time to do it.  But such distributions of forces are usual in battles.

[And I myself will go forth with you]  He knew what enthusiasm the presence of the prince brings (Sanchez).  He was unwilling to be at ease and beyond danger, while others were undertaking hardships in his cause (Martyr).

I will surely go forth with you myself also, that by my presence I may put life and courage into my soldiers; and because it is fit I should run the same hazards with you, which you do for my sake.

Verse 3:[4]  But the people answered, Thou shalt not go forth:  for if we flee away, they will not care for us (Heb. set their heart on us[5]); neither if half of us die, will they care for us:  but now thou art worth ten thousand of us (Heb. as ten thousand of us[6]):  therefore now it is better that thou succour (Heb. be to succour[7]) us out of the city.

Thou shalt not go forth; for this was Absalom’s great error, into which he was drawn by a Divine infatuation, and by Hushai’s craft, to go to battle in his own person, which was the utter ruin of him and of his cause.

[It will not greatly concern them about us, ‎לֹא־יָשִׂ֧ימוּ אֵלֵ֣ינוּ לֵ֗ב]  They will not put (or turn [Vatablus]) to, or upon, us the heart (Septuagint, Jonathan, Pagnine, Montanus, Munster), or soul (Syriac, Junius and Tremellius); they will not take great pains for, or magnify, that victory (Vatablus, Munster, Mariana, Malvenda), as long as they have not destroyed thee (Osiander).

[Thou, as one, art reckoned as ten thousand[8] (similarly Castalio, Strigelius, thus the Septuagint)]  Ὅτι σὺ ὡς ἡμεῖς δέκα χιλιάδες, for thou as we (that is, compared with us) art ten thousand.  Whence it appears that the Septuagint translators read אַתָּה/thou in the place of עַתָּה/now (Piscator, Cappel, Castalio).  You will find the same error in 1 Kings 1 in the speech of Bath-sheba to the king[9] (Castalio).  [This does not satisfy Buxtorf.]  Why might not אַתָּה/thou be able to be understood, as it if were עַתָּה אַתָּה כִּי, which ellipsis is neither harsh nor unusual?  Which supplement is provided by the Chaldean, Pagnine, and others; and so here, as often, they rendered the sense, not the words (Buxtorf’s Vindication 574).  And thou, as ten thousand of us (Symmachus[10]), that is, thou thyself alone are worth just as much as ten thousand of us (Nobilius).  Now, etc., that is, but now while thou art safe.  Something is to be understood; that is to say, thou art reckoned in the place of ten thousand like us; that is to say, they value thee at such a rate, etc. (Vatablus).  ‎כִּֽי־עַתָּ֥ה כָמֹ֖נוּ עֲשָׂרָ֣ה אֲלָפִ֑ים, because now like us ten thousand[11] (Montanus).  But now thou art as ten thousand of us (Munster).  Even if now perish ten thousand men like us (Hebrews in Vatablus).  But the more learned think that this is overly forced (Vatablus); they will not magnify a victory with thee left unharmed (certain interpreters in Malvenda).  Even if at present, or now, as we are, we be ten thousand times (Piscator, Junius and Tremellius), that is, even if we be ten times more, and better prepared, they would not value at such a rate, etc. (Junius).  Although now of us there be ten thousand, as it were; or, although there were yet now ten thousand like us, if there were yet ten thousand more of us.  It is no new thing, for כִּי to signify although, even if (Buxtorf’s Vindication 574).  Indeed, there are nearly ten thousand of us (Tigurinus).  Wherefore ten thousand are sufficient for us (Syriac, similarly the Arabic).  For now thou art able to be strong as we ten thousand (Jonathan).  As if ten thousand men were with us, it is just that good, if thou remain in the city, and thence succour us (Kimchi in Munster).  Because ten thousand, that is, innumerable, were now easily able to be found just like us; but none just like thee (certain interpreters in Malvenda).

Thou art worth ten thousand of us; not only for the dignity of thy person, but also for the importance of our common cause and concern, which, if thou art slain, is irrecoverably lost.

[It is better, therefore, that thou be to us for a help in the city, ‎ וְעַתָּ֣ה ט֔וֹב כִּי־תִֽהְיֶה־לָּ֥נוּ מֵעִ֖יר לַעְזִֽיר׃]  And now it is good (better [Pagnine], more prudent [Syriac]), that thou art to us from, or out of, the city to help (Montanus, Vatablus, similarly Pagnine, Septuagint, Tigurinus, Glassius), that is, bringing relief; the ל prefixed to the infinitive is expressed by a participle, as in Joshua 2:5, and it was the gate ‎לִסְגּוֹר,[12] to be shut[13] (Glassius’ “Grammar” 681).  Others:  in the city (Munster, thus Castalio, Septuagint).  If thou be to us available out of the city (Piscator).  [Others otherwise:]  If thou be vigilant in our cause to bring aid (Junius and Tremellius).  They take מֵעִיר for a Hiphil participle from עוּר; but thus it would be, not vigilant, or keeping watch, but causing, or rousing, to keep watch (Piscator).  The former sense is simpler (Glassius).  It is better that thou bring help to us out of the city, by prayers and counsel (Vatablus); or by sending soldiers or supplies (Menochius, thus Martyr).  David had supplies, cities, and tactics for luring (Grotius).  They were unwilling for David to go forth; because they knew that the whole weight of the battle was going to rest upon the king, with the rest disregarded, as previously upon Saul,[14] and afterwards upon Ahab;[15] that is to say, with thee safe, the battle is able to be renewed.  Neither David nor the people was seeking his own in this matter (Martyr).  To Tiberias it was a fixed principle to give neither himself, nor the republic, to chance:  Tacitus’ Annals 1.  A distinction is nevertheless necessary.  For, if the state of the Empire, or the safety of the Gauls, be turned unto danger, Cæsar ought to stand on the battle line, etc:  Tacitus’ Histories 4, near the end.  Therefore, in Histories 2, when he had narrated, that the Emperor Otho was in some doubt whether it were better to enter the battle, or to stay in reserve, and was at length prevailed upon to withdraw to Brixellum,[16] and to reserve himself, free from the uncertainties of battle, for the highest affairs of the empire; he adds, this first day brought doom to Otho’s party.  It only matters at what time or place a thing is done.  It is altogether rare, granted only with respect to discipline, to rely more in a general than in the army, says Tacitus when he commends the Chatti.[17]  Virgil’s “Concerning Bees,”[18]

…with the king unharmed, all have one mind:

With the king lost, they break faith… (Grotius).

Note here the providence of God.  If David had been present, perhaps he would not have allowed the punishment of Absalom:  but divine judgment was pressing hard on Absalom, for he was worthy of death; therefore, it was necessary for Absalom to be present in the battle (Martyr).

That thou succour us out of the city, by sending us supplies of men, and provisions of all sorts, as we have occasion; and by securing our retreat, if we be defeated.  Or thus, Not go along to the battle with us, but only go out with us, or accompany us out of the city, (to encourage the company,) and then retire for thy own safety.  And so it seems by the next verse.

Verse 4:[19]  And the king said unto them, What seemeth you best I will do.  And the king stood by the gate side, and all the people came out by hundreds and by thousands.

[What appears right to you, etc.]  Thus Claudius[20] was saying that he, being one, was unequal to the consensus of the people:  Tacitus’ Annals 12.  But especially in civil wars soldiers have more liberty than generals, as he says in Histories 2 (Grotius).  It is fitting for Kings, at least from time to time, to obey the counsels of their subordinates (Martyr).

By the gate side, that is, between the two gates of the city, as it is expressed below, verse 24.

Verse 5:[21]  And the king commanded Joab and Abishai and Ittai, saying, Deal gently for my sake with the young man, even with Absalom.  (2 Sam. 18:12) And all the people heard when the king gave all the captains charge concerning Absalom.

[Preserve the lad for me (thus the Septuagint), ‎לְאַט־לִ֖י לַנַּ֣עַר]  Gently (Hebrew:  cautiously [Junius]) to me (because of me [Pagnine, Junius and Tremellius, Munster]; for my gratitude [Vatablus, Mariana]) to the lad (Montanus), towards the lad (Junius and Tremellius), with the lad [Munster, Tigurinus]), understanding, do ye (Munster, Piscator, Tigurinus), or conduct yourself (Rabbi Isaiah in Dieu); the lad, understanding, handle ye (Pagnine, Strigelius).  Most interpreters [as we see] take לְאַט adverbially for gently, or calmly, in which case it is an ellipsis.  Perhaps it is an Imperative from לָאַט, to cover, to protect; that is to say, protect the lad for me; and he addresses Joab as the principal general, in the presence of Abishai and Ittai; thus Rabbi Levi appears to think, who translates it, hide this lad for my sake.  And it appears to be confirmed out of verse 12, observe ye anyone upon the lad, understanding, might rush, and protect him from the violence of such a one (Dieu).  [See what things are on verse 12.]  Φείσασθέ μοι τοῦ παιδαρίου, spare for me the puerulo/boy (Septuagint in Dieu) [or puerum/lad, as it is translated in the Polyglot Bible.]  Be careful of yourself for me in the case of the young man (Jonathan in Dieu).  Have a care of the boy (Arabic).  Capture for me the lad alive (Syriac).  A condition appears to be understood, if you will have defeated (Menochius).  Or he is certain of victory, when, from the success of the prayer concerning the frustrating of the counsel of Ahithophel,[22] he was sensing that the Divine Being was reconciled to him (Tostatus in Menochius).  Gently for my sake rush upon him; do not be severe with him (Vatablus).  As far as it is able to be provided by your vigilance, take care that he be not butchered; what I will determine concerning him thereafter, I will have considered (Osiander).  He says to me; that is to say, not for his sake; I know that he deserves death:  grant this to me, not to his merits (Martyr).  He does not call him his son, lest he magnify the crime, but the lad; that is to say, he has failed through inconsideration and imprudence, rather than through impiety.  To such, prudent men are not wont to deny pardon (Sanchez).  Why was he desiring to spare him?  Responses:  1.  Because he was seeing himself thus vexed, not so much by the perfidy of his son, as by his own fault, and suffering these things by the just judgment of God (Martyr out of Rabbi Levi).  2.  Out of vehement στοργῇ/affection, wherewith his heart was going out toward his children.  David was merciful toward his enemies, much more, therefore, toward his children.  He was a type of Christ, who was praying for those crucifying Him (Martyr).  3.  He did not want his son to perish in soul and body; he sought a space of repentance for him (Martyr, similarly Osiander, Estius, Lyra).  If David desired only a postponement of punishment, he is not to be blamed; if he desired it to be forgiven him altogether, he is not to be excused; should he condone it, he gives what does not belong to him (Martyr).  Too indulgently [does David act] and with public mischief.  But among the ancient Romans not only the safety of the people, but also the discipline of the camp, was more venerable than the love of children:  Digest[23] 49:15:19:7.  Cicero, treating of the territories of the first Manlius Torquatus,[24] says that he gave preference to the law of majesty and empire above nature itself and paternal love[25] (Grotius).

Deal gently with Absalom; if you conquer, (which he presaged they would by God’s gracious answer to his prayer for the turning of Ahithophel’s counsel into foolishness,) take him prisoner, but do not kill him.  Which desire proceeded, partly, from his great indulgence towards his children; partly, from David’s consciousness that he himself was the meritorious and procuring cause of this rebellion, Absalom being given up to it for the punishment of David’s sins, and therefore did indeed deserve some pity from him; partly, from the consideration of his youth, which commonly makes men foolish, and heady, and violent, and subject to ill counsels; and partly, from his piety, being loth that he should be cut off in the act of his sin without any space or means for repentance, whereby both his soul and body would be in danger to perish for ever.  All the people, to wit, the citizens and others who stood with the king in the gate when the army marched forth.

[Commanding for Absalom’s sake, ‎עַל־דְּבַ֥ר אַבְשָׁלֽוֹם׃]  Because of (concerning [Junius and Tremellius]) Absalom (Pagnine); concerning the word (that is, matter or business) of Absalom (Piscator, similarly Vatablus).

[1] Hebrew:  ‎וַיִּפְקֹ֣ד דָּוִ֔ד אֶת־הָעָ֖ם אֲשֶׁ֣ר אִתּ֑וֹ וַיָּ֣שֶׂם עֲלֵיהֶ֔ם שָׂרֵ֥י אֲלָפִ֖ים וְשָׂרֵ֥י מֵאֽוֹת׃

[2] Antiquities of the Jews 7:10:1.

[3] Hebrew: ‎וַיְשַׁלַּ֙ח דָּוִ֜ד אֶת־הָעָ֗ם הַשְּׁלִשִׁ֤ית בְּיַד־יוֹאָב֙ וְ֠הַשְּׁלִשִׁית בְּיַ֙ד אֲבִישַׁ֤י בֶּן־צְרוּיָה֙ אֲחִ֣י יוֹאָ֔ב וְהַ֙שְּׁלִשִׁ֔ת בְּיַ֖ד אִתַּ֣י הַגִּתִּ֑י ס וַיֹּ֤אמֶר הַמֶּ֙לֶךְ֙ אֶל־הָעָ֔ם יָצֹ֥א אֵצֵ֛א גַּם־אֲנִ֖י עִמָּכֶֽם׃

[4] Hebrew: ‎וַיֹּ֙אמֶר הָעָ֜ם לֹ֣א תֵצֵ֗א כִּי֩ אִם־נֹ֙ס נָנ֜וּס לֹא־יָשִׂ֧ימוּ אֵלֵ֣ינוּ לֵ֗ב וְאִם־יָמֻ֤תוּ חֶצְיֵ֙נוּ֙ לֹֽא־יָשִׂ֤ימוּ אֵלֵ֙ינוּ֙ לֵ֔ב כִּֽי־עַתָּ֥ה כָמֹ֖נוּ עֲשָׂרָ֣ה אֲלָפִ֑ים וְעַתָּ֣ה ט֔וֹב כִּי־תִֽהְיֶה־לָּ֥נוּ מֵעִ֖יר לַעְזִֽיר׃ ס

[5] Hebrew:  ‎לֹא־יָשִׂ֧ימוּ אֵלֵ֣ינוּ לֵ֗ב.

[6] Hebrew:  ‎כָמֹ֖נוּ עֲשָׂרָ֣ה אֲלָפִ֑ים.

[7] Hebrew:  לַעְזִֽיר׃—תִֽהְיֶה.

[8] Hebrew:  ‎כִּֽי־עַתָּ֥ה כָמֹ֖נוּ עֲשָׂרָ֣ה אֲלָפִ֑ים.

[9] 1 Kings 1:18:  “And now, behold, Adonijah reigneth; and now, my lord the king, thou knowest it not (‎וְעַתָּ֛ה אֲדֹנִ֥י הַמֶּ֖לֶךְ לֹ֥א יָדָֽעְתָּ׃; καὶ σύ κύριέ μου βασιλεῦ οὐκ ἔγνως, in the Septuagint)…”

[10] Symmachus (second century) produced a Greek translation of the Old Testament, which survives only in fragments.  Symmachus’ work is characterized by an apparent concern to render faithfully the Hebrew original, to provide a rendering consistent with the rabbinic exegesis of his time, and to set forth the translation in simple, pure, and elegant Septuagint-style Greek.

[11] A woodenly literal rendering.

[12] Joshua 2:5:  “And it came to pass about the time of shutting of the gate (וַיְהִ֙י הַשַּׁ֜עַר לִסְגּ֗וֹר), when it was dark, that the men went out:  whither the men went I wot not:  pursue after them quickly; for ye shall overtake them.”

[13] Latin:  claudenda (future passive participle).

[14] See 1 Samuel 31.

[15] See 1 Kings 22.

[16] A town in northern Italy.

[17] Germany and its Tribes 30.  The Chatti were a Germanic tribe, settled in northern Hesse.

[18] Georgics 4.

[19] Hebrews: ‎וַיֹּ֤אמֶר אֲלֵיהֶם֙ הַמֶּ֔לֶךְ אֲשֶׁר־יִיטַ֥ב בְּעֵינֵיכֶ֖ם אֶעֱשֶׂ֑ה וַיַּעֲמֹ֤ד הַמֶּ֙לֶךְ֙ אֶל־יַ֣ד הַשַּׁ֔עַר וְכָל־הָעָם֙ יָֽצְא֔וּ לְמֵא֖וֹת וְלַאֲלָפִֽים׃

[20] Claudius was Emperor of Rome from 41 to 54.

[21] Hebrew: ‎וַיְצַ֣ו הַמֶּ֡לֶךְ אֶת־י֠וֹאָב וְאֶת־אֲבִישַׁ֤י וְאֶת־אִתַּי֙ לֵאמֹ֔ר לְאַט־לִ֖י לַנַּ֣עַר לְאַבְשָׁל֑וֹם וְכָל־הָעָ֣ם שָׁמְע֗וּ בְּצַוֹּ֥ת הַמֶּ֛לֶךְ אֶת־כָּל־הַשָּׂרִ֖ים עַל־דְּבַ֥ר אַבְשָׁלֽוֹם׃

[22] 2 Samuel 15:31.

[23] The Digest, or Pandects, was a compendium of Roman law, compiled at the command of Justinian I.

[24] Titus Manlius Imperiosus Torquatus (fourth century BC) was a general and politician of the Roman Republic, serving as consul three times, and as dictator three times.  He is remembered for the rigors of his strict moral virtue.

[25] On the Ends of Good and Evil 1:23.